{From Camel Trader to Warlord: The Rise of a Man Who Now Commands Fifty Percent of Sudan

The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, previously made his fortune dealing in livestock and precious metals. Now, his RSF militia hold sway over nearly half of Sudan.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a major victory by capturing the city of al-Fasher, which was the last remaining military stronghold in the western region.

Hated and dreaded by his adversaries, Hemedti is respected by his loyalists for his ruthlessness and his vow to overthrow the corrupt state.

Humble Beginnings

His background is humble. He comes from the Mahariya clan of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arab group that straddles the Chad-Sudan border region.

His birth year is approximately 1975, like many from rural areas, his exact birth details were not officially registered.

Led by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his family relocated to Darfur in the late 20th century, fleeing conflict and seeking better opportunities.

Initial Ventures

After leaving school in his adolescence, Hemedti started making money by trading camels across the desert to neighboring countries.

During that period, Darfur was a lawless frontier—poor, neglected by the government of then-President Omar al-Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjaweed raided villages of the native Fur communities, triggering a major uprising in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

In response, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to lead his counter-insurgency campaign. They quickly gained notoriety for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's unit was part of this, accused in destroying the village of Adwah in November 2004, claiming the lives of over a hundred individuals, including dozens of minors.

International inquiries concluded that the Janjaweed were responsible for crimes against humanity.

Strategic Maneuvering

After the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his ascent to become leader of a influential militia, a corporate empire, and a political organization.

At one point he rebelled, demanding unpaid salaries for his fighters, promotions, and a political position for his brother. Bashir granted most of his demands.

Subsequently, when other Janjaweed units mutinied, Hemedti commanded government forces that defeated them, gaining control Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jabel Amir.

Quickly, his business venture Al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

Formalizing Power

In 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained official recognition as commander of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, getting new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

International Connections

Hemedti's forces engaged in Darfur, struggled in the Nuba Mountains, and accepted a contract to guard the border with Libya.

Ostensibly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's officers also engaged in extortion and people-trafficking.

In 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE asked Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide RSF mercenaries.

His ties with the UAE proved most consequential, beginning a close relationship with Emirati leadership.

Expanding Influence

Recruits trekked to RSF enlistment offices for cash payments of up to $6,000.

Hemedti struck a partnership with Russia's Wagner Group, receiving training in exchange for commercial dealings, particularly in gold.

His trip to Russia coincided with the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Turning on Allies

As protests grew, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, nicknaming him "my protector".

It was a miscalculation. In 2019, when protesters called for change, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the military leaders deposed him.

For a time, Hemedti was hailed as a new leader for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but that lasted only weeks.

Renewed Brutality

As the transition stalled, Hemedti deployed his forces, which killed hundreds, assaulted females, and reportedly executed men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has denied that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Under foreign pressure, the generals and civilians reached a deal, leading to an unstable coexistence for two years.

Current Conflict

When a committee started looking into military-owned companies, Burhan and Hemedti dismissed the civilians and took control.

But they fell out. Burhan insisted the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti refused.

Last year, RSF units attempted to seize strategic locations in Khartoum. The attempted putsch failed, and violence broke out city-wide.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit people.

The UN estimates thousands of casualties, with the US describing it genocide.

Current Status

Hemedti's forces obtained advanced arms, including military drones, deployed against army positions and crucial in the assault on al-Fasher.

With this weaponry, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has formed a parallel government, the so-called unity government, appointing himself leader.

After taking al-Fasher, the RSF now holds almost all inhabited territory in western Sudan.

After allegations of atrocities, Hemedti announced a probe into abuses perpetrated by his soldiers.

Many believe Hemedti envisions himself as president of a breakaway state or aspires to rule all of Sudan.

It's also possible, he may emerge as a behind-the-scenes power broker, commanding a vast network of interests.

While Hemedti's troops continue atrocities in al-Fasher, he appears confident of avoiding consequences in a world that does not care.

Brian White
Brian White

A seasoned political journalist with a focus on UK policy and international affairs, bringing over a decade of experience.